The Ankara Declaration: How Türkiye Mediated Between Somalia and Ethiopia
How Türkiye mediated between Somalia and Ethiopia: the Ankara Declaration of December 2024, what it says, what followed and what remains unresolved.
The Brief
The Ankara Declaration is a short political text, agreed on 11 December 2024, in which Somalia and Ethiopia defused a crisis triggered by Ethiopia's January 2024 memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. Türkiye hosted and facilitated the talks, known as the Ankara process. The declaration commits both sides to respect Somalia's sovereignty and territorial integrity while exploring commercial arrangements that would give landlocked Ethiopia reliable access to the sea. It is a framework, not a final deal. The hard details were sent to technical talks.
Status note: this file reflects public reporting and official statements available at the time of writing. Readers should check the latest statements from the parties and the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for newer rounds.
Where Things Stand
The political crisis eased after the declaration, but the substance remains under negotiation. After December 2024, the two governments moved to restore normal diplomatic channels, and technical delegations resumed meetings in Ankara in 2025 to work on the commercial and access arrangements the declaration described. As of the latest public reporting, no comprehensive, published agreement on the sea-access formula has been presented, and the parties have not released a detailed text of any such arrangement.
Three questions stay open: what form Ethiopia's access will take, how it will relate to Somaliland's position, and how Somalia's domestic politics and regional security arrangements will shape the outcome.
Background: Why the Dispute Began
Ethiopia has been landlocked since Eritrea's independence in 1993 and relies heavily on the port of Djibouti for trade. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had said publicly for some time that Ethiopia, a country of well over 100 million people, needs sea access.
On 1 January 2024, Ethiopia and Somaliland signed an MoU in Addis Ababa. The full text was not published. Public accounts from the parties differed, but they centred on Ethiopia gaining commercial and possibly naval access to the coast of Somaliland. Somaliland officials said the arrangement could involve Ethiopia recognising Somaliland; the Ethiopian government said it would give 'in-depth assessment' to Somaliland's quest for recognition, without formally recognising it.
Somalia treats Somaliland as part of its territory and rejected the MoU as a violation of its sovereignty. It recalled its ambassador from Addis Ababa, and Somalia's president signed a law declaring the MoU null and void. The African Union, the Arab League, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and others urged de-escalation and respect for Somalia's territorial integrity. Tension spread into security matters, including the future of Ethiopian troops in Somalia as the African Union mission transitioned, and Somalia's closer defence ties with Egypt.
The Table: Who Wants What
| Party | Stated position | Key concern or red line |
|---|---|---|
| Somalia | The MoU violated its sovereignty and territorial integrity; it is open to Ethiopia's commercial access under Somali authority. | No recognition of Somaliland and no deal that bypasses Mogadishu. |
| Ethiopia | Needs secure, reliable and sustainable sea access; says it respects Somalia's sovereignty and seeks dialogue. | Access that is economically viable and long-term; dependence on one transit route is a strategic worry. |
| Somaliland | Governs its territory in practice and sought the MoU as a path to international recognition; says it is not bound by deals made without it. | Any arrangement that leaves it out or reverses its pursuit of recognition. |
| Türkiye (facilitator) | Wants a peaceful settlement that respects Somalia's territorial integrity while addressing Ethiopia's sea-access interest. | Avoiding escalation in the Horn of Africa. |
The parties' positions here are summarised from their public statements. Somaliland's position in particular has been voiced through its government and has shifted with its leadership: a new president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi 'Irro', was elected in November 2024 and took office in December.
Timeline
- 1 January 2024: Ethiopia and Somaliland sign the MoU in Addis Ababa.
- January 2024: Somalia rejects the MoU, recalls its ambassador and enacts a law annulling it.
- February 2024: Türkiye and Somalia sign a defence and economic cooperation framework, which is relevant context for Ankara's later role.
- July 2024: The first round of indirect talks between Somali and Ethiopian delegations opens in Ankara under Turkish facilitation.
- Later in 2024: Further rounds follow in Ankara. Reporting at the time described slow progress and several delays.
- 11 December 2024: The Ankara Declaration is announced after meetings involving President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Somalia's President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
- Early 2025: Technical talks begin in Ankara, with ambassadors and normal diplomatic contacts resuming between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa.
Exact dates of the intermediate rounds varied across reports; the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the parties' statements are the best sources for them.
The Ankara Declaration in Plain Terms
The declaration is brief and general. In plain terms, it does the following:
- Reaffirms the basics. Both governments commit to mutual respect for each other's sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity.
- Moves past the MoU. The leaders agreed to overcome the disagreements that arose from the MoU, without relitigating them. The declaration does not name Somaliland.
- Defines the goal. Ethiopia should have reliable, secure and sustainable access to and from the sea, and this access should take place under the sovereign authority of the Federal Republic of Somalia.
- Chooses the method. Access is to be pursued through mutually beneficial commercial arrangements, such as port-related trade and services, rather than through territorial or political concessions.
- Sets a process. Technical negotiations were to begin by the end of February 2025 and aim to conclude within about four months. The parties also committed to continued dialogue and to Türkiye's continued support.
In diplomatic terms, this is a framework agreement or declaration of principles: it fixes the destination and the rules of the road but leaves the route open. For background on how such tools work, see Good Offices in Diplomacy: Meaning, Examples and How It Differs from Mediation.
Follow-Up Technical Talks
The technical track is where the declaration is tested. It deals with questions such as the type of access, the location and management of port facilities, transit and customs rules, and financial terms. Delegations met in Ankara in 2025, and public statements described them as constructive while giving few specifics. Because the declaration set a roughly four-month target and the parties have not publicly announced a final agreement, observers should treat the timetable as a goal rather than a guarantee.
Technical rounds like these often serve as confidence-building measures: restored ambassadors, resumed contacts and regular meetings can matter as much as the written text.
Türkiye's Role
What Türkiye did. Türkiye acted as host and facilitator. It convened delegations in Ankara, moved between the parties in indirect formats, and brought the two leaders together at the final stage. This blends elements of shuttle diplomacy with good offices. Türkiye was a plausible convener because it has close ties with both sides. It has long-standing relations with Ethiopia, and in Somalia it has been involved in development assistance, humanitarian work, military training and a naval and economic presence. For wider context, see Türkiye as Mediator: Its Role in Peace Talks and Crisis Diplomacy.
Official position. Turkish officials described the declaration as a diplomatic success achieved through dialogue and as a basis for both countries' security and prosperity, and they said Türkiye would continue to support the process. Primary sources are the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (mfa.gov.tr) press releases and statements by Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, and the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye (tccb.gov.tr) communications on President Erdoğan's meetings with the two leaders. The declaration text itself was published through official channels at the time.
Concrete outcomes so far.
- A de-escalation of the diplomatic confrontation between Somalia and Ethiopia.
- A signed political declaration that both governments publicly endorsed.
- A structured technical negotiating track hosted in Ankara.
- Restoration of normal diplomatic contacts between the two capitals.
Limits. The declaration has not yet produced a published final access agreement, and Somaliland was not at the table. How far Ankara's facilitation can carry the technical phase remains to be seen.
What to Watch
- Outcome of the technical talks: whether the parties announce a concrete commercial access arrangement and what port or location it covers.
- Somaliland's reaction: statements by its government on any agreement that touches its coast or its status.
- Security arrangements: the role of Ethiopian troops in the African Union-backed mission in Somalia and the interplay with Egyptian and Turkish military engagement.
- Somalia's domestic politics: election arrangements and federal-state relations can shape Mogadishu's room for compromise.
- Ethiopia's regional posture: relations with Eritrea, Djibouti and others, and the evolving debate over sea access.
- Next rounds in Ankara: announcements from the Turkish Foreign Ministry on dates and participants.
For how this fits within broader practice, see Mediation Files: How International Mediation Works, Process by Process.
Source Comparison
Different sources frame the same text differently:
- Turkish official and state-linked media present the declaration as proof that patient, inclusive dialogue works and as a result of Türkiye's ties with both sides.
- Somali government statements emphasise that the text upholds Somalia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and that any access must run through Mogadishu.
- Ethiopian government statements emphasise the commitment to secure sea access and a new phase in relations with Somalia.
- Somaliland statements stress that Somaliland was not a party and say its interests and its agreements are not determined by the declaration.
- International wire services and think tanks generally describe it as a significant de-escalation, while noting the vagueness of the text and the unresolved questions on Somaliland and the mechanics of access.
Readers should compare the original official texts against summaries, since the ambiguity in the declaration has allowed each side to emphasise different parts. For our editorial approach, see About Frontline Diplomacy: Mission, Perspective and Editorial Principles.
Perspective Note
Frontline Diplomacy covers international diplomacy with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Role' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. This file was prepared by the Frontline Diplomacy Editorial Team.
Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives
For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:
- Region Scope: The 2019 Türkiye–Libya Maritime Memorandum Explained: Legal Basis, Objections and Impact — What the 27 November 2019 Türkiye–Libya maritime memorandum says, the equity and coastline argument, and objections from Greece, Cyprus, Egypt and the EU.
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Frequently asked questions
What is the Ankara Declaration between Somalia and Ethiopia?
It is a political declaration announced on 11 December 2024 in Ankara, with Türkiye facilitating. Somalia and Ethiopia agreed to respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity and to pursue Ethiopia's sea access through commercial arrangements under Somali sovereign authority.
Why did Somalia and Ethiopia fall out in 2024?
The dispute began when Ethiopia signed an MoU with Somaliland on 1 January 2024. Somalia regards Somaliland as part of its territory and rejected the memorandum as a violation of its sovereignty, recalling its ambassador and annulling the MoU by law.
Did the Ankara Declaration give Ethiopia a port?
No. The declaration sets a goal of reliable, secure and sustainable sea access through commercial arrangements, but it leaves the details to technical negotiations. No specific port or lease was agreed in the text.
Was Somaliland part of the Ankara talks?
No. The process was between the governments of Somalia and Ethiopia, and the declaration does not name Somaliland. Somaliland's government has said it is not bound by arrangements it did not take part in.
What was Türkiye's role in the Ankara process?
Türkiye hosted the talks, facilitated indirect rounds between delegations and brought the two leaders together in December 2024. It also offered continued support for the technical talks that followed.
What happens next after the declaration?
The parties are working through technical negotiations on the commercial access arrangements. Watch for official announcements from the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Somali and Ethiopian governments about further rounds and any final agreement.
Related guides
- Mediation Files: How International Mediation Works, Process by ProcessHow international mediation works: who mediates, the four stages from pre-negotiation to implementation, and why peace processes succeed, stall or fail.
- Türkiye as Mediator: Its Role in Peace Talks and Crisis DiplomacyTurkey's mediation role explained: host, guarantor and facilitator in Ukraine, Gaza, Syria, Caucasus, Africa and Cyprus, with official positions and limits.
- Diplomacy 101: Key Diplomatic Tools and Concepts ExplainedDiplomatic terms and concepts explained in plain language: shuttle diplomacy, Track II, good offices, ceasefires, guarantor states and more, with examples.
- Antalya Diplomacy Forum: What It Is, Who Attends and Why It MattersAntalya Diplomacy Forum explained: who organizes it, who attends, how it works, notable sideline meetings and how it compares with Munich, Doha and Raisina.
- Black Sea Grain Initiative Explained: How the Deal Worked and Why It EndedThe Black Sea Grain Initiative explained: the July 2022 Istanbul agreements, how inspections worked, volumes, the Russia-UN memorandum and why it ended.
- Confidence-Building Measures in Diplomacy: Types and Real-World ExamplesConfidence-building measures examples explained: how military, humanitarian, political and economic CBMs work, why they come first, and when they fail.
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